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Seven Years of Courage and Determination
Seven years ago I sat in the aquatic stadium in Chitungwiza and watched
as
8000 ordinary Zimbabweans - mostly low-income workers and rural peasant
farmers, formed a new political Party, which they called the 'Movement
for
Democratic Change'. It was the start of a new era in Zimbabwean
politics.
I seem to have been in opposition politics all my life. It started in
the 60
's when I was a student at the University in Harare and underwent a
metamorphosis in political terms - discovering the conditions under
which
people were living and working and for the first time appreciating the
unjustness of the situation. I vowed to work towards resolving the
problem
and spent the next 12 years in opposition politics - working against
the
Smith government.
At independence in 1980 I was part of the transition team - working to
help
the incoming administration (Zanu or Zapu) to come to grips with what
had
been a closed book to the rest of the world for 13 years following the
imposition of mandatory UN sanctions in 1967. I then worked on the
first
donor conference and did the background papers that laid the groundwork
for
a very successful transition in agriculture. Over the next 15 years the
farm
sector was Zimbabwe's most consistent performer.
Although I sympathized with the forces that came to power in 1980, I
always
had an uneasy relationship with them even though I occupied quite
senior
positions in the first 8 years of Mr. Mugabe's rule. This was
accentuated in
1983 when I was brought face to face with the early effects of the
Gukurahundi exercise and raised my disquiet with the then Secretary to
the
Cabinet, Charles Utete. I went on to raise my concerns with certain
European
governments and got my first serious reprimand and threat from the
Minister
of State Security, Emerson Munangagwa.
It was the beginning of the end for me - the last time I had been
threatened
by a Minister of Security, it was by a Minister in the Smith government
who
called me a 'threat to national security'. Somewhat exaggerated in my
view
at the time and also in retrospect, but as we have come to learn,
political
paranoia has no bounds.
I eventually parted way with the regime here in 1990 and participated
in
various attempts to initiate real opposition politics in Zimbabwe.
Those
attempts culminated in the failed Forum Party and then came the action
by
the ZCTU.
At the time I was Chairman of the Industrial Employers Committee for
the
Confederation of Zimbabwe Industry and in that capacity watched over
the
issues that related to the working conditions of the 300 000 workers in
industry. I met with the ZCTU leadership several times a year - usually
at a
labour summit that paved the way for subsequent detailed negotiations
with
over 30 trade unions. The ZCTU exhibited much more courage than the
employer
's organisation in confronting the real issues and early on stated that
our
growing economic difficulties were due to poor macro economic policies
and
management.
Attempts by the Unions to get their voice heard fell on deaf ears and
eventually they decided that they had to confront the ruling party in
the
one area where they had no choice but to listen - national politics.
A long process then began that eventually led to the meeting I was
attending
7 years ago today. I attended as an employer and curious bystander. It
did
not go unnoticed and shortly after the first Congress - I was invited
to
join the leadership as Secretary for Economic Affairs. I have remained
in
the leadership since then holding various positions and trying to help
in
the one field where I can contribute - that of policy formulation.
None of us appreciated what we were letting ourselves in for that day.
What
followed has been, to some extent, the classical African nightmare: the
collapse and implosion of post independence African economy that was
handed
over in reasonable condition by those who had run it before.
I can recall visiting Ghana in 1983 - seeing first hand for the first
time
just what a lousy government can do. Subsequently I saw the situation
in
many other African States that we had never been able to visit before
our
own independence process. It was not a pleasant experience; I saw
countries
decimated by war and bad policies, massive corruption and the complete
subordination of the people's will and welfare to the needs and greed
of a
tiny minority in power.
But life does not stand still - Ghana is now a thriving democracy with
a
booming economy. Africa as a whole this year will grow at above the
average
growth for the global economy and generally experience inflation below
10
per cent. If we take South Africa and Zimbabwe out of the SADC the
region is
doing even better than Africa as a whole. This gives me the conviction
that
we will one day also see Zimbabwe turn the corner and rediscover the
values
and principles on which it's independence struggle was founded.
But in September 1999 none of that was in view - we were embarking on
the
long road back to sanity and in the process would see our own
government
destroy its economy and undermine every principle on which it had led
the
struggle for justice during the earlier regime. Since then we have seen
hundreds killed, thousands beaten and maimed and been slandered and
mocked
in all State controlled media. We as a Party have been subjected to
regional
ostracism and isolation as well as propaganda led by South Africa - the
one
country we thought might help and one that has the power to change
things
here overnight.
But we have survived - we certainly won the 2002 Presidential elections
-
probably by a two-thirds majority, we probably won the 2000 elections
and
the subsequent parliamentary election in 2005. In the process we have
sacrificed and worked - our leadership has often gone to jail and been
beaten. We have been infiltrated by State agents using their money and
training to do so and have been failed by elements of our own
leadership.
But we have survived.
We know, better than most that that is not enough. Political parties
are
judged by history and by their ability to deliver real change and
transformation for their followers, which we have not yet managed to
do. But
we remain the main threat to this regime and the only hope of a new and
better Zimbabwe. No amount of reform is going to rescue Zanu PF and
those
who record our history are judging their leadership harshly. Their
weakness,
paranoia and failure was no better demonstrated this past week, when
they
arrested and then subjected to savage, brutal beatings, the entire
elected
leadership of our Trade Union movement because they dared to want to
submit
a memorandum to government on the problems of the workers in this
country.
I want to pay tribute today to those who have had the courage to stand
up to
this tyranny in Zimbabwe. I looked at the roll of honor we keep at the
MDC
recording the names of those killed in politically inspired murders
since
2000. They include many friends and I am proud that there are a number
of
white Africans listed there. We salute the ZCTU leadership, we salute
our
own leadership who participated and were also imprisoned and beaten
this
past week. We commit ourselves afresh to this struggle and to achieving
a
new and better Zimbabwe, one that will make us proud to be Zimbabweans
again. The one thing this regime and its supporters need to know is
that we
in the MDC will not quit this struggle until we have achieved our
objectives - those set for us 7 years ago by the real representatives
of the
people of this great country.
Eddie Cross
16th September 2006
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