
2005 Articles 23 Dec State of MDC 20 Dec Coming Home 8 Dec 2006 Outlook 4 Dec Death of Democracy 27 Nov Political Crisis 21 Nov ZANU 16 Nov Climate Change 8 Nov Wither Zimbabwe? 6 Nov Sudden Death 29 Oct Dark Ages 22 Oct Roller Coaster 19 Oct Silent Spring 17 Oct Green hills 9 Oct Senate Elections 4 Oct Lunatics 28 Sep Stalemate 22 Sep Freedom 16 Sep The U.N. 12 Sep The IMF 7 Sep Sink or Swim 4 Sep Child Morons 28 Aug Outlook 19 Aug Implosion 6 Aug Credentials 28 Jul Managing Mugabe 24 Jul Strategy 3 Jul Discomfort 26 Jun Agriculture 22 Jun Muramba 15 Jun The Economy 13 Jun A New Dunkirk 11 Jun Peoples Gvt 11 Jun Aid & Trade 7 Jun Action 4 Jun History is Linear 2 Jun The Destruction 20 May Crisis Deepens 18 May Feudal Society 12 May Way Forward 2 May A Postmortem 26 Apr Nothing to loose 18 Apr Another Chance 11 Apr Leadership 5 Apr Sitrep 4 1 Apr Sitrep 3 1 Apr Sitrep 2 31 Mar First Sitrep 28 Mar Democrats 25 Mar Rig an Election 19 Mar South Africa 16 Mar War on Media 14 Mar An Update 9 Mar For Whom the Bell 26 Feb The Right to Vote 22 Feb Fight 4 Democracy 22 Feb Steal Crown Jewels 16 Feb MDC Press Release 12 Feb Droppers 5 Feb The Game is on! 31 Jan Please help 31 Jan 5 down 6 to go 28 Jan Nightmares 12 Jan Democracy Watch 9 Jan Roy Bennett Update 5 Jan The Weather
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The Mystery of South Africa's Position
It is now very apparent to anyone with half a brain that all is not
well in
South Africa when it comes to handling the Zimbabwe crisis. Here we
have a
situation where by every measure, the Zanu PF led government has failed
-
the economy is in tatters, half our population needs food aid, the
quality
of life for the majority has deteriorated to the point where nearly
half the
adult population has decamped. Almost all basic human and political
rights
are being abused and worse on a daily basis. And the regime has lost
its
legitimacy because of a well-known and clearly exposed record of
electoral
fraud and abuse.
Yet, the leadership in South Africa and many of its apologists insist
on
maintaining the position that things are "improving" and that a "free
and
fair election" is still possible. It's not out of ignorance. Its not
because
they simply want to be perverse. What then is the reason - the real
reason
for this ridiculous stance?
We in the MDC have tried everything - we have tried to be charitable -
"they
do not know what is going on"; we have tried the diplomatic route "lets
talk
about these things - then they will understand". We have tried "quiet
diplomacy" and just about every other strategy you can name - with
little or
no effect.
I have pondered this situation long and hard and feel that we are
missing
something. The first order of business is to stay in business -
politics is
no different. Thabo Mbeki has only one real objective and that is to
maintain the ANC as the dominant political force in South Africa until
he
can retire and go off and do other things. Everything else is
subordinate to
that goal.
If that is the case then what threats exist which might explain his
attitude
to Zimbabwe? Its not history or relationships - Mbeki and Mugabe are
not
soul mates and Zanu PF did not support the ANC during their long
struggle
against apartheid in South Africa. If anything the two parties have a
long
time animosity towards each other. So why the huddle behind the laager?
It can only be because Mbeki fears some aspect of the political
evolution of
events in South Africa and is doing all that he can - within the
constraints
of his global role and the situation in South Africa itself, to subvert
the
process of change in Zimbabwe. Its not that he simply wants to be
kingmaker - although that might explain some of the motivation. It is
something more.
I think it is because the MDC is a by product of the trade union
movement in
Zimbabwe and above all, Mbeki fears the fallout of an MDC victory in
South
Africa itself. Although we always knew it, we never fully appreciated
the
fact that the ANC is really an amalgam of three political institutions
- the
ANC itself, COSATU and the South African Communist Party. What we also
never
fully appreciated was that while the ANC drew its intellectual and
other
strengths from within, its real political muscle was drawn from the
SACP and
COSATU. In fact in this political game COSATU is the senior figure with
its
2 million members and national infrastructure.
Now that the struggle against apartheid is over, the unifying forces
that
this brought to the ANC alliance, have gone and in their place are the
normal political forces of policy and programmes that political parties
everywhere have to contend with. The ANC is in power and with this has
come
new wealth and privilege. As a consequence many ANC figures and persons
connected to the ANC have suddenly found themselves part of the
"Sandton
set" and the beneficiaries of wealth and privilege that they only
imagined
in the days of the struggle.
Not so for the poor working class in South Africa from which the
membership
of the SACP and COSATU are drawn. They are, if anything more
marginalized
and feel left out of the new South Africa. For them little seems to
have
changed and they are becoming restless. The tripartite alliance is
under
strain.
COSATU has gone so far as to visit Brazil to see for itself what a
"Workers
Party" can do in a developing country. They were impressed and even
came
home with a draft constitution. This is blowing a chill wind under the
South
African Presidents chair. As the ANC moves to the right in the South
African
context, this tension can only increase.
Mbeki knows this and he fears that an MDC victory, followed by the
formation
of a government, which restores our economy and our rights as a people
and
then goes on to be a real success in social and political terms, would
have
serious implications for the ANC itself. I think he is right and that
our
needs as a country are being subordinated to these perceived South
African
(ANC) interests.
So we have had all the different games being played by the South
African
government here - first the support for Simba Makoni as the Prince
Charming - that fell apart because he had no constituency in Zanu PF
itself.
Then the whole fiasco with Munangagwa as Prince Charming. This falling
apart
when they tried to go too fast for the "veterans of the war" in the
Zanu PF
administration. Had Mugabe gone along with Mbeki in this exercise he
would
have made things very difficult for the MDC and might even have
attracted
some of the less principled members of the international community to
his
side.
As it is Mugabe slapped him in the face, his heir apparent tossed aside
and
his spy ring inside Zanu PF was wiped out. MDC now faces a Zanu PF led
regime, without its sharpest minds at the center of things and with an
aging
and less and less able coterie of politicians in control. It is a
testimony
to the strength of Mbeki's fear of the forces at work in the
ANC/COSATU/SACP
alliance that despite all this, he still holds onto his indefensible
position towards Zimbabwe.
This is a very dangerous game for South Africa. Mbeki is sacrificing
serious
political capital in his pursuit of this goal. He is in fact
sacrificing
economic growth in South Africa and much of the promise of NEPAD on
this
regional spat. In doing so he is in fact strengthening the very forces
he
fears in South Africa itself and perhaps hastening the day when a new
democratic movement on the left will emerge to challenge the ANC for
supremacy in South Africa. It took 20 years in Zimbabwe; it will take
less
time in South Africa.
Eddie Cross
Bulawayo, 19th March 2005
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